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Reports of an upcoming American-Russian presidential meeting have been overstated, it seems.

Only a few days after President Trump announced he intended to meet Russia's leader Putin in the Hungarian capital - "within two weeks or so" - the high-level talks has been suspended indefinitely.

A initial get-together by the both countries' top diplomats has been cancelled, too.

"I don't want to have a fruitless discussion," President Trump informed the press at the executive mansion on a recent weekday. "I aim to avoid a waste of time, so I will observe what transpires."

• Trump says he wished to avoid a 'unproductive session' after arrangement for negotiations with Putin postponed
• Disappointment in Ukraine's capital as Zelensky leaves Washington without results

The on-again, off-again summit is just the latest development in Trump's attempts to mediate an end to war in Ukraine – a subject of increased attention for the American leader after he orchestrated a ceasefire and hostage release deal in the Palestinian territory.

During a speech in the North African country last week to commemorate that ceasefire agreement, the president addressed his lead diplomatic negotiator, with a new request.

"It is essential to get the Russian situation resolved," he declared.

Nonetheless, the circumstances that converged to make a Middle East success possible for Witkoff and his team may be challenging to replicate in a Ukraine war that has been ongoing for nearing several years.

Reduced Influence

Per Witkoff, the crucial element to achieving a deal was the Israeli government's decision to attack Hamas negotiators in Qatar. It was a move that infuriated US partners in the Arab world but provided Trump leverage to pressure Israel's leader Benjamin Netanyahu into reaching an agreement.

Trump benefited from a history of supporting the Israeli state dating back to his first term, encompassing his choice to move the US embassy to Jerusalem, to change America's position on the legality of Israeli settlements in the West Bank and, more recently, his backing for Israeli defense operations against Iran.

The American leader, actually, is more popular among Israelis than their prime minister – a situation that gave him unique influence over the nation's head.

Combine the president's connections in politics and business to influential Arab nations in the region, and he had a wealth of diplomatic muscle to force an agreement.

In the Ukraine war, by contrast, the president has significantly reduced leverage. In recent months, he has vacillated between attempts to pressure the Russian president and then Zelensky, all with minimal visible progress.

Trump has threatened to impose new sanctions on Russia's oil and gas sales and to provide Ukraine with advanced missile systems. But he has also recognised that such actions could disrupt the global economy and intensify the war.

At the same time, the US leader has publicly berated Ukraine's president, temporarily cutting off intelligence-sharing with the country and pausing arms shipments to the country - only to then retreat in the wake of concerned European allies who caution a Ukrainian collapse could destabilise the entire region.

The president loves to tout his skill to meet and negotiate deals, but his face-to-face meetings with both Putin and Zelensky have not appeared to advance the war any nearer a resolution.

The Russian president may in fact be exploiting Trump's desire for a settlement – and belief in in-person deal-making - as a method of manipulating him.

During the summer, Putin agreed to a high-level meeting in Alaska at the time when it seemed probable that Trump would sign off on congressional sanctions package backed by GOP senators. That bill was subsequently put on hold.

Last week, as reports spread that the US administration was considering seriously shipping Tomahawk cruise missiles and air defense systems to Kyiv, the president of Russia called the US president who then touted the possible meeting in Budapest.

The following day, Trump welcomed Ukraine's leader at the executive residence, but left without agreements after a reportedly tense meeting.

Trump maintained that he was not being manipulated by the Russian president.

"You know, I've been played throughout my career by the best of them, and I emerged successfully," he said.

But the president of Ukraine subsequently commented on the timeline of developments.

"As soon as the matter of advanced weaponry became a little further away for us – for our nation – Russia almost automatically became less interested in negotiations," he stated.

Thus, in a matter of days, Trump has bounced from considering the idea of sending missiles to the Eastern European country to planning a meeting in Hungary with Putin and confidentially urging the Ukrainian president to cede all of Donbas – even territory Russian forces has been unable to conquer.

He has ultimately decided on advocating a ceasefire along current battle lines – a proposal Russia has refused to accept.

During his election campaign previously, the candidate promised that he could end the conflict in Ukraine in a matter of hours. He has since discarded that pledge, saying that ending the hostilities is proving more difficult than he expected.

It has been a uncommon admission of the limits of his power – and the difficulty of establishing a peace plan when both parties desires, or can afford to, give up the fight.